Subodh Mishra is Global Head of Communications at Institutional Shareholder Services, Inc. This post is based on a publication by ISS Governance Research by Thomas Harding, Associate Vice President of Regulatory Solutions Product Development at ISS ESG; William Cowper, ESG Product Manager of Regulatory Solutions at ISS ESG; Karina Karakulova, Director of Regulatory Affairs and Public Policy, ISS; and Manpreet Singh Sandhu, ESG Specialist (Canada) at ISS ESG.
The meteoric global rise of ESG investing is increasingly being met with an equally ambitious regulatory disclosure regime, and, targeting greenwashing, policymakers are beginning to bare their teeth. In the latest salvo, on 25 May the US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) voted 3:1 to approve two proposals enhancing scrutiny of ESG funds and advisers’ ESG practices. One proposal seeks to expand the rule governing fund naming conventions and the other proposes additional disclosure requirements by funds and investment advisers about ESG investment practices.
Overview of SEC proposals
While the proposed changes to the Names Rule are ostensibly engendered by the growth in ESG-marketed funds, the proposal also captures other funds that have historically been out of scope of the Names Rule. The Commission estimates that ~ 8,250 (62%) funds are currently subject to the Names Rule and that the proposed rule amendments would increase this estimate to ~ 10,000 (75%) funds.
In a departure from its historical approach, the SEC now proposes to extend the 80% investment policy (i.e., a minimum of 80% of a fund’s assets must be consistent with its name) to apply to fund names that incorporate terms related to investment strategy, such as “growth” or “value,” and proposes circumstances under which deviations from the 80% policy are temporarily permitted. The proposal would require funds to define the terms used in a fund’s name in a way that is consistent with the term’s ‘plain English’ meaning or established industry use. These requirements would also extend to funds where the investment decisions incorporate one or more ESG factors.
Proposal on Climate-Related Disclosures Falls Within the SEC’s Authority
More from: John Coates
John C. Coates is the John F. Cogan, Jr. Professor of Law and Economics at Harvard Law School. This post is based on his recent comment letter. Related research from the Program on Corporate Governance includes The Illusory Promise of Stakeholder Governance by Lucian A. Bebchuk and Roberto Tallarita (discussed on the Forum here); For Whom Corporate Leaders Bargain by Lucian A. Bebchuk, Kobi Kastiel, and Roberto Tallarita (discussed on the Forum here); Restoration: The Role Stakeholder Governance Must Play in Recreating a Fair and Sustainable American Economy – A Reply to Professor Rock by Lucian A. Bebchuk, Alma Cohen, and Charles C. Y. Wang (discussed on the Forum here); Stakeholder Capitalism in the Time of COVID, by Lucian A. Bebchuk, Kobi Kastiel, and Roberto Tallarita (discussed on the Forum here); and Corporate Purpose and Corporate Competition by Mark J. Roe (discussed on the Forum here).
I write to comment on legal authority. The proposal is well within the Commission’s authority to adopt. Critiques on legal grounds fall far short of what would be needed for a court to overturn the rule.
Congress, having made a fundamental policy judgment to require “full and fair” disclosure to protect investors, directed the Commission to make ongoing subsidiary choices of precisely what details of disclosure to require and when, after engaging in fact-finding and analysis that Congress chose not to try to do itself.
Here, the proposal frames difficult, subsidiary choices, which divide reasonable observers. Those choices I do not here address. They require fact-finding and expert factual judgments about likely effects, costs, benefits and risks of alternatives, including inaction, in the face of investor needs that have led most large companies to publish inconsistent and variable climate-related disclosures. The Constitution, and Congress, have given the Commission—and not the courts—authority to make those judgments.
Throughout I describe rather than argue for what the law should be. Many legal issues are open to reasonable debate. However, many legal questions have clear answers. The proposed rule specifies the details of disclosure, just as Congress directed the Commission to do. It does not regulate climate activity itself (e.g., greenhouse gas emissions) and would have modest effects on the economy as a whole. It is authorized by clear statutes, is consistent with settled understandings, and addresses disclosure topics covered by rules adopted long ago by the Commission and ratified by Congress. It is not a “transformative” surprising regulatory departure, raising such a “major question” as to justify interpretive methods other than those of a faithful agent of Congress.
Nor has the “major questions doctrine” ever been used to overturn authority unambiguously granted by the plain text of a statute. “Clear statement” canons play no role when statutes speak clearly. Striking down regulations adopted pursuant to clear and limited delegated authority would turn the doctrine’s purpose against itself, prevent Congress from assigning traditional fact-finding and implementation roles to agencies, turn courts into unelected mini-legislatures, and subvert rather than reinforce the separation of powers.
Overturning this rule as unauthorized on that basis would wipe out most of the Commission’s disclosure rulebook. Nothing at stake in this proposed rule justifies such judicial lawmaking.
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