Monthly Archives: April 2024

Diversifying demographics of assets under management

Victoria Tellez is an Associate Director, and Jessica Pollock is a Research Associate at FCLTGlobal. This post is based on their FCLTGlobal memorandum. Related research from the Program on Corporate Governance includes Politics and Gender in the Executive Suite (discussed on the Forum here) by Alma Cohen, Moshe Hazan, and David Weiss; Duty and Diversity (discussed on the Forum here) by Chris Brummer and Leo E. Strine, Jr.; and Will Nasdaq’s Diversity Rules Harm Investors? (discussed on the Forum here) by Jesse M. Fried.

Asset owners, such as pension plans, sovereign wealth funds, and endowments and foundations, typically allocate their investments to asset managers based on expected performance, risk, and other key characteristics. In building a portfolio, they try to diversify key risks over time horizons that align with their objectives.

While not a guaranteed formula for success, evidence indicates that diverse teams can improve long-term value creation by improving decision-making and incorporating a range of perspectives, skills, and abilities. However, an examination of investment decision-makers handling institutional assets under management (AUM) in the US reveals a significant lack of diversity in demographics. Asset management firms owned by white males oversee 98.6 percent of AUM across different asset classes, while minority-owned firms account for less than 2 percent of the total AUM. The notion that the best managers are overwhelmingly white males, who make up at most 30 percent of the US population, defies logic, highlighting substantial untapped potential.

While the underrepresentation of diverse professionals in the global asset management industry is widely acknowledged, the AUM gap is particularly wide. As an illustration, FCLTGlobal’s analysis reveals that the 25 most common male names globally are associated with overseeing more than 11 times the assets under management compared to their female counterparts.

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Minutes Are Worth the Minutes: Good Documentation Practices Improve Board Deliberations and Reduce Regulatory and Litigation Risk

Leo E. Strine, Jr. is the Michael L. Wachter Distinguished Fellow at the University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School; Senior Fellow, Harvard Program on Corporate Governance; Of Counsel, Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz; and former Chief Justice and Chancellor, the State of Delaware. This post is based on his article forthcoming in the Fordham Journal of Corporate and Financial Law.

In the last decade, the salience of corporate minuting and documentation processes has greatly increased.  More than ever, plaintiffs are using requests for books and records to attempt to state breach of fiduciary duty and securities law claims.  Regulators also demand these records when investigating potential compliance concerns.  In the 21st Annual Albert A. DeStefano Lecture on Corporate, Securities & Financial Law at Fordham University School of Law on February 27, 2024, Minutes Are Worth The Minutes: Good Documentation Practices Improve Board Deliberations and Reduce Regulatory and Litigation Risk, this subject was my focus. I have now published the underlying article of the same name, which can be accessed here.

This increased concentration on corporate records has manifested itself in important ways in litigation in the Delaware Court of Chancery and the Delaware Supreme Court, such as:

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Proposed Amendments to the DGCL Address Recent Caselaw on Stockholder and Merger Agreements

Eric Klinger-Wilensky, Melissa DiVincenzo and Patricia Vella are Partners at Morris, Nichols, Arsht & Tunnell LLP. This post is based on a Morris Nichols memorandum by Mr. Klinger-Wilensky, Ms. DiVincenzo, Ms. Vella, Jeffrey Wolters, and Kyle Pinder and is part of the Delaware law series; links to other posts in the series are available here.

The Council of the Corporation Law Section of the Delaware State Bar Association today released proposed Amendments (“Amendments”) to the Delaware General Corporation Law (“DGCL”) that, if adopted into law, would address recent caselaw regarding the facial validity of certain stockholder agreements, the ability of parties to a merger agreement to contract for certain pre-closing remedies and for the appointment of a stockholder representative to enforce post-closing remedies, and the process required to approve merger agreements.[1]

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Women in the boardroom

Kevin Tracey is Leader of the Global Boardroom Program, Karen Edelman is Senior Editor, and Karen Bowman is US Automotive Leader, Global CXO Program Leader, and Member of the Board of Directors at Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu Limited. This post is based on a Deloitte Insights memorandum by Mr. Tracey, Ms. Edelman, Ms. Bowman, and Anna Marks. Related research from the Program on Corporate Governance includes Politics and Gender in the Executive Suite (discussed on the Forum here) by Alma Cohen, Moshe Hazan, and David Weiss; Duty and Diversity (discussed on the Forum here) by Chris Brummer and Leo E. Strine, Jr.; and Will Nasdaq’s Diversity Rules Harm Investors? (discussed on the Forum here) by Jesse M. Fried.

Executive summary

Gender parity on boards will be elusive without greater focus and action

The business case for diversity has been established for some time. Companies with more diverse boards have shown that they tend to perform better financially.[1] What’s more, organizations that are more diverse as a whole with respect to gender—from top executives and board members to managers and employees—tend to outperform those that are less gender-diverse.[2]

What remains in question, however, is this: With women still underrepresented on company boards globally, why aren’t organizations and investors doing more to realize the benefits that diverse boards bring?

The eighth edition of the Deloitte Global Boardroom Program’s Women in the boardroom: A global perspective finds that women hold less than one-quarter of the world’s board seats (23.3% in 2023).

Continued efforts from a wide range of stakeholders have indeed yielded some positive results toward achieving gender parity: Since 2022, the number of women on boards has risen 3.6%, and the timeline toward achieving parity has dropped by seven years (figure 1).

However, despite the number of initiatives around the world to increase the number of women serving on boards, progress isn’t happening quickly enough. If this rate of change were to hold steady, it is unlikely that gender parity on boards will be reached before 2038—and possibly later. And, there is no clear path to gender parity in the board chair role.

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How Did Corporations Get Stuck in Politics and Can They Escape?

Jill E. Fisch is the Saul A. Fox Distinguished Professor of Business Law at the University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School, and Jeff Schwartz is the Hugh B. Brown Presidential Professor of Law at the University of Utah S.J. Quinney College of Law. This post is based on their recent paper, forthcoming in the University of Chicago Business Law Review. Related research from the Program on Corporate Governance includes Corporate Political Speech: Who Decides? (discussed on the Forum here) by Lucian A. Bebchuk and Robert J. Jackson, Jr.; The Untenable Case for Keeping Investors in the Dark (discussed on the Forum here) by Lucian A. Bebchuk, Robert J. Jackson, Jr., James Nelson, and Roberto Tallarita; and The Politics of CEOs (discussed on the Forum here) by Alma Cohen, Moshe Hazan, Roberto Tallarita, and David Weiss.

Corporations have long sought to promote their business interests through political engagement. Today, however, corporations are taking public positions on a multitude of contested political and social issues—through advertisements, statements, and promotions—positions that are unrelated to their business operations.  In our forthcoming article, How Did Corporations Get Stuck in Politics and Can They Escape? (forthcoming University of Chicago Business Law Review), we term this form of engagement, “political posturing,” and we argue that it is bad for shareholders, stakeholders, and society.

Examples of political posturing are everywhere. Hundreds of corporations proclaimed their support for BlackLivesMatter. Dozens publicly opposed the Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision, which overturned Roe v. Wade. Coca Cola and Delta prominently criticized Georgia’s restrictive voting laws. Disney took a stand against Florida’s “Don’t Say Gay” law. Today, we know where corporations stand on almost every politically contentious issue.

There are several reasons corporations suddenly developed political views. Activists, employees, and investors began to call for companies to take a stand. Corporations obliged, not only to quell these voices, but to use politics as a way to market their products. Gillette, for instance, ran an advertising campaign highlighting forms of toxic masculinity and asking, in reference to its famous slogan, whether this is “the best a man can be.” The campaign thus sought to use politics to sell razors rather than the razors’ attributes. Corporations are also trapped in a collective action problem, where they fear that if they fail to take a position, they will lose ground to competitors that do. Social media, where taking a stance is the only way to get noticed and silence is denounced as complicity, amplifies these effects.

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DOJ Announces New Whistleblower Program and Enforcement Initiatives

Louis Gabel, Karen Hewitt, and James Loonam are Partners at Jones Day. This post is based on a Jones Day memorandum by Mr. Gabel, Ms. Hewitt, Mr. Loonam, Jill Hengen, Jordan Matthews, and Hank Walther.

In Short

The Development: On March 7, 2024, Deputy Attorney General (“DAG”) Lisa Monaco discussed updates to the Department of Justice’s (“DOJ” or “Department”) corporate criminal enforcement policies and announced a pilot program that will financially reward whistleblowers unveiling major corporate misconduct.

The Result: The policies and priorities discussed reaffirm DOJ’s “carrot and stick” approach to encouraging companies to self-disclose criminal misconduct and cooperate with the Department’s efforts to prosecute individual wrongdoers. The new whistleblower reward program, which is expected to take shape over the next 90 days, provides stronger incentives for tipsters to disclose corporate and financial misconduct. Further, DOJ has adopted an aggressive stance toward seeking enhanced penalties for corporate misuse of new and disruptive technologies like artificial intelligence (“AI”).

Looking Ahead: DOJ continues to emphasize aggressive enforcement of white-collar crime against entities and individuals and remains committed to incentivizing voluntary self-disclosure (“VSD”) by corporations. And increasingly, the Department is incentivizing individuals to expose wrongdoing by providing non-culpable whistleblowers with financial incentives through the impending DOJ whistleblower program. Given the special scrutiny the Department will apply to the use of technologies like AI, companies should consider updating their compliance programs to mitigate risks related to the misuse of AI.

On March 7, 2024, DAG Monaco delivered the keynote remarks at the American Bar Association’s National Institute on White Collar Crime. Her remarks centered on DOJ’s enforcement priorities and the tools it will use to identify and hold accountable individual and corporate wrongdoers. First, DAG Monaco discussed DOJ’s efforts to encourage companies to voluntarily self-disclose evidence of wrongdoing, emphasizing the recent uptick in self-disclosures and the resulting prosecutions of senior executives across diverse industries. Second, she unveiled a pilot whistleblower rewards program about which DOJ will provide more details in the next 90 days; this program will financially compensate individuals who report major corporate misconduct to DOJ. And third, she discussed how DOJ will apply its existing law-enforcement toolkit to emerging technologies like AI. 

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The SEC Climate Disclosure Rule: Separating Signal from Noise

Miriam Wrobel is Senior Managing Director and Global Leader of FTI Consulting’s Environmental, Social and Governance and Sustainability practice. This post is based on a FTI Consulting memorandum by Ms. Wrobel, Ben Herskowitz, Alanna Fishman, Todd Rahn, and John Glennon.

After many ‘head fakes’ since March 2022 when the US SEC first released its proposed climate rule, namely “The Enhancement and Standardization of Climate-Related Disclosures for Investors”, we finally have some clarity. Per the publicly broadcast US SEC Open Meeting on Wednesday, the Commission adopted a finalized ruling following a vote, which resulted in 2 votes against and 3 in favor of adoption. Per the Factsheet outlining the rule released by the Commission immediately prior to the March 6th Open Meeting and the final rule released immediately following, several substantive changes were made to the proposed requirements released in March 2022, indicating in our view that the Commission feared the rule would inevitably face destructive legal challenges if reporting requirements were not diluted in rigor or were perceived to remain a liability for issuers. Even with these somewhat expected and dilutive changes, challenges to the rule — legal, political and otherwise — are almost certain. We detail these likely challenges later on in this piece.

The final rules will become effective 60 days after publication in the Federal Register, or approximately late in the second quarter. In the interim, below we outline some of the more significant and substantive changes captured in our comparison of the March 2022 proposed and the March 2024 final rulings.

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Corporate Technocracy ESG Governance Beyond Shareholder Democracy or Managerialism

Aisha Saad is an Associate Professor of Law at the Georgetown University Law Center. This post is based on her article forthcoming in the Columbia Business Law Review. Related research from the Program on Corporate Governance includes The Illusory Promise of Stakeholder Governance (discussed on the Forum here) by Lucian A. Bebchuk and Roberto Tallarita and Does Enlightened Shareholder Value Add Value? (discussed on the Forum here) by Lucian A. Bebchuk, Kobi Kastiel, and Roberto Tallarita.

ESG (Environmental Social Governance) is in the crosshairs of a conservative campaign against “woke capitalism”. This is evidenced by an aggressive legislative agenda featuring 181 anti-ESG bills proposed or enacted between 2018 and 2023. Attacks on the legitimacy and practical possibility of ESG are starting to bear fruit. For example, the SEC’s new climate-related disclosure rule has been substantially watered down from its initial draft two years ago. Shortly before that, a number of major financial institutions departed the world’s biggest investor coalition on climate change. In recent months ExxonMobil initiated a high-profile legal battle against two of its investors alleging that their climate-focused shareholder proposal is a bad-faith effort to undermine the company’s business. While some anti-ESG advocacy is motivated by political opportunism, more substantive concern with the problems that riddle ESG governance remains unaddressed.

In a new article in the Columbia Business Law Review, I advance a novel paradigm for governing corporate ESG that accounts for the principal-agent challenges undermining prevailing proposals. I argue that a “corporate technocracy” provides a solution for redeeming the possibilities of ESG by addressing and overcoming key governance critiques.

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Corporate Transparency Act Ruled Unconstitutional, but Scope of Judgment Is Limited

Satish Kini is a Partner, Aseel Rabie is a Counsel, and Jonathan Steinberg is an Associate at Debevoise & Plimpton LLP. This post is based on a Debevoise memorandum by Mr. Kini, Ms. Rabie, Mr. Steinberg, Jeremy Lin, and Elliot Werner.

On March 1, 2024, the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Alabama held the Corporate Transparency Act (the “CTA”) unconstitutional. The relief granted by the court is limited to enjoining the federal government from enforcing the CTA against the plaintiffs in the case, the National Small Business Association (“NSBA”) and Isaac Winkles, an NSBA member (together, the “plaintiffs”). The judgment, thus, leaves the CTA intact against other parties and is highly likely to be appealed. However, the court’s decision likely paves the way for further challenges to the CTA.

Background. The CTA was enacted as part of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2021 and, generally, requires the U.S. Treasury Department’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (“FinCEN”) to implement a beneficial ownership reporting regime, requiring companies to disclose information about their beneficial owners, senior officers and other control persons to the federal government.

FinCEN’s first regulation implementing the CTA was published on September 30, 2022 and went into effect on January 1, 2024. It establishes which entities must report beneficial ownership information to FinCEN, what information must be reported and when reports are due. See our client updates on the regulations here and here.

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BlackRock has expanded Proxy Voting Choice to millions of U.S. retail shareholder accounts

Joud Abdel Majeid is Global Head of Investment Stewardship, and Rachel Aguirre is Head of U.S. iShares Product at BlackRock Inc. This post was prepared for the Forum by Ms. Abdel Majeid and Ms. Aguirre.

In 2022, BlackRock launched its “Voting Choice” program, providing eligible clients with more opportunities to participate in the proxy voting process where legally and operationally viable. In launching Voting Choice, BlackRock led a major industry movement to help more investors express their preferences through shareholder voting.

Since the launch, BlackRock has continued to extend the pool of eligible client index equity assets that can participate in the program and expanded the range of voting policies from which clients can choose.

On February 14, BlackRock expanded Voting Choice through a U.S. pilot program to eligible shareholder accounts in its flagship iShares Core S&P 500 ETF (IVV) which seeks to track the S&P 500 Index, enabling more than three million U.S. retail shareholder accounts invested in the fund. This pilot expands Voting Choice to individual investors beyond institutional investors for the first time since the launch of the program.

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