Yearly Archives: 2022

Taskforce on Nature-Related Financial Disclosures Framework: Overview of First Beta Release

Michael Littenberg is partner, and Samantha Elliott and Peter Witschi are associates at Ropes & Gray LLP. This post is based on their Ropes & Gray memorandum. Related research from the Program on Corporate Governance includes The Illusory Promise of Stakeholder Governance by Lucian A. Bebchuk and Roberto Tallarita (discussed on the Forum here); Will Corporations Deliver Value to All Stakeholders? by Lucian A. Bebchuk and Roberto Tallarita; Restoration: The Role Stakeholder Governance Must Play in Recreating a Fair and Sustainable American Economy—A Reply to Professor Rock by Leo E. Strine, Jr. (discussed on the Forum here); Stakeholder Capitalism in the Time of COVID, by Lucian A. Bebchuk, Kobi Kastiel, and Roberto Tallarita (discussed on the Forum here); and Corporate Purpose and Corporate Competition by Mark J. Roe (discussed on the Forum here)

In March, the Taskforce on Nature-related Financial Disclosures released the first beta version (v0.1) of the TNFD Nature-related Risk & Opportunity Management and Disclosure Framework. The first beta release marks the beginning of an 18-month consultation and development process to improve the Framework’s relevance, usability and effectiveness. The TNFD is thus encouraging market participants and stakeholders to engage in pilot testing and submit feedback. After four rounds of beta versions, the TNFD plans to release its final recommendations for the Framework in September 2023. In this post, we provide both an overview of the first beta version of the Framework and next steps for companies seeking to engage in the consultation process.

What is the TNFD?

Formally launched in June 2021, the TNFD is a global, market-led initiative established in response to the growing call to factor nature-related risks into financial and business decisions. As framed by the TNFD, although more than half of the world’s economic output is moderately or highly dependent on nature, corporate and financial institutions do not currently have the information needed to understand (1) how nature impacts an organization’s immediate financial performance or (2) the longer-term financial risks that may arise from how the organization, positively or negatively, impacts nature. To address this need, the TNFD is developing an integrated risk management and disclosure framework for organizations to report and act on evolving nature-related risks and opportunities.

The nature-focused TNFD builds on the work of the Task Force on Climate-related Financial Disclosures, which focused on climate risk management and disclosures. The TNFD adopts the same pillars as the TCFD, seeking to provide comparable, financially relevant, decision-useful information. However, instead of addressing climate risks, the TNFD is focused on ensuring that nature-related risks and opportunities are understood and effectively communicated. By aggregating the best tools, materials and information available, the TNFD aims to allow financial institutions and companies to incorporate nature-related risks and opportunities into their strategic planning, risk management and asset allocation decisions, and to promote worldwide consistency for nature-related reporting.

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California Gender Board Diversity Law Is Held Unconstitutional

Sarah Fortt, Maj Vaseghi, and Betty Huber are partners at Latham & Watkins LLP. This post is based on their Latham memorandum. Related research from the Program on Corporate Governance includes Politics and Gender in the Executive Suite by Alma Cohen, Moshe Hazan, and David Weiss (discussed on the Forum here); Will Nasdaq’s Diversity Rules Harm Investors? by Jesse M. Fried (discussed on the Forum here); and Duty and Diversity by Chris Brummer and Leo E. Strine, Jr. (discussed on the Forum here).

The law suffers the same fate as the California board diversity law requiring directors from “underrepresented communities.”

On May 13, 2022, Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Maureen Duffy-Lewis issued a ruling in Crest v. Padilla I finding that California Corporations Code Section 301.3 (SB 826), which requires publicly listed corporations in California to have women on their boards, violates the Equal Protection Clause of the California Constitution. [1] The decision comes less than two months after Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Terry A. Green similarly ruled in Crest v. Padilla II that the California Equal Protection Clause rendered unconstitutional a law requiring California publicly listed corporations to have board members from “underrepresented communities.” [2]

Crest v. Padilla I

In Crest v. Padilla I, Judicial Watch — the same plaintiff as in Crest v. Padilla II — mounted a facial challenge to SB 826, arguing that the law violated the Equal Protection Clause of the California Constitution. The court first observed that SB 826 creates a gender-based quota system that “affects two or more ‘similarly situated’ groups in an unequal manner.” [3] After establishing that men and women are similarly situated, the court applied the strict scrutiny test to assess the constitutionality of SB 826. Under strict scrutiny, the state needed to show that SB 826: (1) satisfied a compelling government interest; (2) was necessary to satisfy that interest; and (3) was narrowly tailored to meet that government interest. The court held that the state failed to present sufficient evidence to meet any of the three prongs of the strict scrutiny test.

The court first rejected the state’s argument that eliminating and remedying discrimination in director selection was a compelling government interest. In so doing, the court stressed that while rectifying specific and intentional discrimination can be a compelling government interest, “remedying generalized, non-specific allegations of discrimination” is not. [4] In the court’s view, “neither the Legislature nor Defendant could identify any specific, purposeful, intentional and unlawful discrimination to be remedied” [5] and thus California lacked a compelling interest. The court also rejected the state’s argument that SB 826 satisfied a compelling interest by benefiting the public and state economy. In the court’s view, the evidence presented at trial demonstrated that the goal of SB 826 “was to achieve gender equity or parity; its goal was not to boost California’s economy, not to improve opportunities for women in the workplace nor not [sic] to protect California’s taxpayers, public employees, pensions and retirees.” [6] Moreover, even if the goal of SB 826 were to fuel the economy, the court noted that “analysis of S.B. 826 found that connections between women on corporate boards and improved corporate performance and corporate governance are inconclusive.” [7] That tenuous connection, the court reasoned, negated California’s claim that SB 826 was necessary to achieve its stated interest in growing the state’s economy. [8]

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Stakeholder Capitalism and ESG as Tools for Sustainable Long-Term Value Creation

Martin Lipton is a founding partner of Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz, specializing in mergers and acquisitions and matters affecting corporate policy and strategy. This post is based on a Wachtell Lipton memorandum by Mr. Lipton, David M. Silk, and Carmen X. W. Lu.

Related research from the Program on Corporate Governance includes The Illusory Promise of Stakeholder Governance (discussed on the Forum here) and Will Corporations Deliver Value to All Stakeholders? (discussed on the Forum here), both by Lucian A. Bebchuk and Roberto Tallarita; Restoration: The Role Stakeholder Governance Must Play in Recreating a Fair and Sustainable American Economy—A Reply to Professor Rock by Leo E. Strine, Jr. (discussed on the Forum here); and Stakeholder Capitalism in the Time of COVID, by Lucian Bebchuk, Kobi Kastiel, and Roberto Tallarita (discussed on the Forum here).

Recent high profile investigations into greenwashing, the ongoing war in Ukraine and soaring energy costs have prompted questions as to the purpose and value of ESG, and more broadly, stakeholder capitalism. Some have criticized stakeholder capitalism and ESG as “woke” politics, a threat to shareholder interests and a distraction for boards and management. Others have questioned whether stakeholder capitalism and ESG can straddle “doing good” and “doing well.” Uncertainty also abounds as to what ESG truly means.

We believe stakeholder capitalism and ESG are fundamentally frameworks to enhance the sustainable long-term value of a corporation. Both are tools for boards and management to guide business strategy, risk management and capital allocation in a manner that best serves the financial well-being of a business, and in turn, the interests of shareholders. Time and again, stakeholder and ESG considerations have driven positive societal outcomes (climate and DEI being among the examples). But stakeholder capitalism and ESG, as we and many investors understand them, do not lead with a political or moral agenda. The north star of stakeholder capitalism and ESG is driving sustainable long-term value creation.

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The SEC’s Climate Proposal: Top Ten Points for Comment

Nick Grabar is partner at Cleary Gottlieb Steen & Hamilton LLP. This post is based on a Cleary memorandum by Mr. Grabar, David LopezFrancesca Odell, Lillian Tsu, and Helena Grannis.

We think that moderating the proposal in key respects will—far from weakening it—make it more likely to achieve the Commission’s long-term purposes of eliciting useful and consistent disclosures. Ideally the SEC’s rules would contribute to developing coherent climate disclosure practices around the world—not just for U.S. reporting companies and not just under SEC rules.

With that in mind, a month ago we published a list of points for potential comment. Since then we’ve had a number of interesting conversations with clients and colleagues, as everyone has had a chance to dig into the proposal and to compare it to existing practices. Today we have ten points we commend to your attention. We are focusing on items where the SEC seems to have ventured beyond what investors and other frameworks have called for, or where the SEC seems to have misjudged the challenges of compliance.

A common element among many of the points below is that the SEC’s proposing release states that they were supported by commenters in response to the SEC’s March 2021 request for comment. We would urge the Commission to distinguish between types of commenters. The views of advocates and activists—while they are undoubtedly important—are not of the same kind as the view of investors and their representatives, and they do not bear equally on the Commission’s statutory mandate for the protection of investors.

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Remarks by Chair Gensler Before the Investor Advisory Committee

Gary Gensler is Chair of the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission. This post is based on his recent remarks before the Investor Advisory Committee. The views expressed in this post are those of Chair Gensler, and do not necessarily reflect those of the Securities and Exchange Commission or the Staff.

Thank you for that introduction, Christopher. Good morning. It is great to join the Investor Advisory Committee (IAC) today. As is customary, I’d like to note that my views are my own, and I’m not speaking on behalf of the Commission or Securities and Exchange Commission staff.

I would like to welcome the new members of this Committee. The eight of you bring a wide-ranging set of experiences to this group, coming from government, academia, funds, non-profits, and the U.S. Navy. Thank you for volunteering your time and energy on behalf of investors.

Today’s meeting marks a year since I first had the opportunity to meet with this group. The work the IAC does matters, and my team and I follow your recommendations closely. Since January of last year, you have issued five recommendations: on Self-Directed Individual Retirement Accounts (IRAs), Special Purpose Acquisition Companies (SPACs), Rule 10b5-1 plans, Credit Rating Agencies, and Minority and Underserved Inclusion in Investment and Financial Services. I have asked the staff to review your recommendations and explore all of these areas. Indeed, the SEC has proposed rules on SPACs and 10b5-1 plans. I look forward to further recommendations from this committee.

Today’s meeting features panel discussions on the accounting of non-traditional financial information as well as climate-related disclosures. Disclosures have been at the heart of our securities laws since we were founded 88 years ago this week.

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Practical Stake

Bruce F. Freed is President of the Center for Political Accountability, and Karl J. Sandstrom is strategic advisor to the Center and senior counsel with Perkins Coie. This post is based on their CPA memorandum.

Related research from the Program on Corporate Governance includes Corporate Political Speech: Who Decides? by Lucian Bebchuk and Robert J. Jackson Jr. (discussed on the Forum here); The Untenable Case for Keeping Investors in the Dark by Lucian Bebchuk, Robert Jackson, James David Nelson and Roberto Tallarita (discussed on the Forum here); and The Politics of CEOs by Alma Cohen, Moshe Hazan, Roberto Tallarita, and David Weiss (discussed on the Forum here).

Companies today face a moment of reckoning for their political spending. The crisis that confronts U.S. democracy and the inability to address a broad range of issues demanding public action from climate change to women’s reproductive rights, voting and guns has put front and center the role of company political spending in contributing to the breakdown. It has also underscored the need for companies to take a hard look at the consequences of their spending, the immediate and broad risks that it poses and whether or how they should engage in political spending.

The Center for Political Accountability addressed these fundamental issues in a recently issued report on corporations, political spending and democracy entitled Practical Stake. The title was deliberately chosen to emphasize the stake that companies have in a healthy, well-functioning democracy and contrast that with the role their political money has played in enabling the attack on democracy and creating the climate of intimidation that presents a grave threat. The report concluded by laying out what businesses should do to protect themselves and democracy.

Here are the report’s key points:

  • The dynamic capitalism that companies need for growing, competing, and pursuing their interests depends on a healthy democracy. Acceptance of democratic outcomes, respect for judicial decisions and the rejection of baseless claims are the foundation of the rule of law. When these attributes of a democratic society are put at risk by the power seeking, the conditions that businesses rely upon to prosper are lost.

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Weekly Roundup: June 3-9, 2022


More from:

This roundup contains a collection of the posts published on the Forum during the week of June 3-9, 2022.

The SEC’s Cyber Disclosures


CEO Pay Proposals Face Growing Investor Disapproval


Decentralized Governance and the Lessons of Corporate Governance


When It Comes to Board Diversity, Regulation Helps But Is No “Silver Bullet”


Fortune 500 General Counsel Report


What is the Law’s Role in a Recession?


“Defense Stocks” Highlight Challenges in Navigating Sustainability Taxonomies




An Early Look at the 2022 Proxy Season


Four Traps Boards Should Avoid


The Quest for Legitimacy in Corporate Law



Ninth Circuit Enforces Exclusive Forum Bylaw, Creating Split with Seventh Circuit


Inaugural Report on the Health of Democratic Capitalism


Remarks by Chair Gensler Before the Piper Sandler Global Exchange Conference

Remarks by Chair Gensler Before the Piper Sandler Global Exchange Conference

Gary Gensler is Chair of the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission. This post is based on his recent remarks before the Piper Sandler Global Exchange Conference. The views expressed in this post are those of Chair Gensler, and do not necessarily reflect those of the Securities and Exchange Commission or the Staff.

Thank you, Rich (Repetto), for that kind introduction. It is good to be with you again. As is customary, I’d like to note my views are my own, and I’m not speaking on behalf of my fellow Commissioners or the SEC staff.

Rich, at last year’s conference, you and I spoke about how technology has transformed and continues to transform our equity markets. [1]

This has led to some good things. For example, retail investors have greater access to markets than any time in the past.

This technological transformation, though, also has led to challenges, including market segmentation, concentration, and potential inefficiencies.

Right now, there isn’t a level playing field among different parts of the market: wholesalers, dark pools, and lit exchanges. Further, the markets have become increasingly hidden from view. In 2009, off-exchange trading accounted for a quarter of U.S. equity volume. Last year, during the meme stock events, that share swelled to a peak of 47 percent. [2] What’s more, 90-plus percent of retail marketable orders are routed to a small, concentrated group of wholesalers that pay for this retail market order flow. [3]

It’s not clear, with such market segmentation and concentration, and with an uneven playing field, that our current national market system is as fair and competitive as possible for investors.

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Inaugural Report on the Health of Democratic Capitalism

James Feinerman is James and Catherine Denny Chair in Democratic Capitalism, Kelsey Harrison is Program Coordinator for the Denny Center for Democratic Capitalism, and Bruce Shaw is Executive Director of the Denny Center for Democratic Capitalism at Georgetown Law. This post is based on a report from the Denny Center for Democratic Capitalism authored by Mr. Feinerman, Ms. Harrison, Mr. Shaw, Duncan Hobbs, Jay Shambaugh, and Michael Strain.

The goal of the Denny Center Inaugural Report on the Health of Democratic Capitalism is to evaluate how well the benefits of free market capitalism are balanced with the needs and expectations of a democratic society, focusing primarily on the United States.

While almost everyone agrees that free market capitalism is the most efficient wealth creation system, reconciling the benefits of capitalism with broader societal needs and aspirations is a perennial tug of war. The Denny Center was founded on the belief that maintaining balance between the two is critical to the future of both capitalism and a flourishing democratic society

Context

Since the Industrial Revolution, people around the world are better off in a number of ways. Over the last 200 years, annual gross domestic product (GDP) per capita in western economies has grown by a multiple of almost 50 times—from $1,100 to $50,000; the average global life expectancy has more than doubled from 29 to 72 years old; and the percentage of the world’s population living in extreme poverty has shrunk from 84% to less than 10%. [1]

Despite a long-run track record of success, free market capitalism is under pressure on multiple fronts, motivating some to argue that the system has run its course—and that it’s time to consider alternatives. However, based on the Denny Center’s core research, (conducted with support from leading economists [2]) we believe that democratic capitalism is still the world’s best option, though there are real problems that need to be addressed. In the complete publication we have used a clinical approach to study objective data that sheds light on democratic capitalism’s overall health, confirming where the system continues to perform well, and also identifying where it’s falling short. The report then summarizes critical questions to focus future research and potential paths forward.

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Ninth Circuit Enforces Exclusive Forum Bylaw, Creating Split with Seventh Circuit

Peter Morrison and Virginia Milstead are partners, and Raza Rasheed is an associate at Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP. This post is based on their Skadden memorandum, and is part of the Delaware law series; links to other posts in the series are available here.

On May 13, 2022, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit held that a corporate bylaw requiring stockholders to bring derivative claims in the Delaware Court of Chancery could be applied to claims brought derivatively under Section 14(a) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 (Exchange Act). The Ninth Circuit’s decision creates a split with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit on the issue. Lee v. Fisher, No. 21-15923 (9th Cir. May 13, 2022).

The Gap, Inc.’s bylaws contain a forum selection clause requiring stockholders to bring “any derivative action or proceeding brought on behalf of the Corporation” in the Delaware Court of Chancery. Notwithstanding this forum bylaw, Gap stockholder Noelle Lee brought a putative derivative action against the company’s directors in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California, alleging that the board had permitted the company to violate Section 14(a) of the Exchange Act by making false statements in proxy statements filed with the SEC about the level of diversity the company had achieved.

Ms. Lee argued that the forum bylaw requiring adjudication in Delaware state court could not be enforced against her because federal courts have exclusive jurisdiction over Section 14(a) claims under the Exchange Act. Therefore, enforcing the bylaw would prevent her from bringing a derivative Section 14(a) claim in any court. The district court rejected this argument and dismissed Ms. Lee’s suit.

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